Islam is the second main religion in Thailand, with Muslims constituting
the largest religious minority. Thailand's history of Islam dates
back to the Ayutthaya Dynasty (1350-1767), when the country was still
known as Siam. The independent Malay kingdoms to the south had not
yet been incorporated. They were not to become part of Thailand until
1902. Islam arrived from various directions: the Malay-Indonesian
archipelago, Yemen (Hadhramawt), Persia, India, Burma, China and Cambodia.
The
establishment of Islam in Malacca, during the reign of Sultan Iskandar,
led to the spread of the early syncretic Islam in the Southeast Asian
archipelago, reaching Pattani by 1387. The upper southern Thai province
of Songhla marks the language border between Malay and Thai-speaking
Muslims. There was minimal spreading of Malay Islamic religiosity
beyond Songhla. This was partly due to consolidation of the "orthodoxy
of Singhalese (Thervada) Buddhism, which had been introduced into
the Indo-chinese Peninsula by the Mons of Burma and was disseminated
further by the Thai already a century prior, following the decline
of Hindu-Sanskrit culture and Mahayana Buddhism in the Menam and Mekong
basins. One may remark that the encounter between Malay Islam and
Thai Buddhism was one of two religious native type orthodoxies founded
on ethno-lin-guistic distinctions.
The
other arrivals of Islam into Thailand were from various directions
of the country, made up mostly of immigrant Muslims of different sectarian
and ethnic backgrounds. The central plains of the country comprise
Thai Muslims of Persian, Pakistani, Indonesian and Cham extraction.
While those residing in the northern provinces of Lampang, Chiangmai
and Chiang Rai are of Bengali, Burmese and Yunnanese (Chinese) origin,
having migrated to Thailand for economic and political reasons (they
were fleeing from religious persecution at the hands of the communists
in China and the nationalists in Burma). There are also conversts
to Islam either through marriage or religious conversion. Most Thai
Muslims are Sunnis, yet there is also a small Shia community belonging
to both the Imami and Bohras/Mustali Ismailis sub-groups.
Apart
from ethnic differences, there is also linguistic diversity within
the Thai Muslim community. The majority of Muslims in the south speak
Malay, while those residing in other parts of Thailand converse in
Thai both at home and in public. They are no longer familiar with
the languages of their ancestors.
Islamic
Identity in Thailand
In Southeast Asia, religious identity is often linked to ethnicity:
Malays are Muslim; Thaias are Buddhist; and Chinese are either Christian
or syncretic Taoist/Buddhist. Although ethno-religious constructs
shape identities, it can be said that in Thailand, Muslims and Buddhists
share nearly identical social manners, perspectives, ormalities and
practices. They share the Southeast Asian social demeanour and conventions
of moderation, compromise and mutual consultation. Thai Muslims maintain,
express and symbolize their identity through religious institutions
such as the mosque, pondok or Madmsah and the office of the Chularatchamontri/Shaikh
al-Islam, as well as through Islamic festivals celebrated at the national
level, including Maulid al-Nabi.
Islamic
education in Thailand
Historically, the famous pondok system of Islamic education was instituted
in Pattani and is noted for its celebrated scholars such as Ahmad
bin Muhammad Zain al-Fatani and Daud al-Fatani, who played a pivotal
role in the spread and development of Islamic education in Southeast
Asia. Their intellectual influence has a left a lasting mark on the
development of Islamic scholarship. Initially, the Thai state considered
the educational programmes implemented by the pondok to be out-dated.
Not recognizing their moral-cultural relevance, the idea was to streamline
them along modern-secular educational lines. Finally, upon Muslim
protest, the religio-moral aspects of this demand for an integrated
form of education as a means of maintaining Muslim identity and preparing
the youth morally for modern professional life were recognized. This
led to the setting up of Islamic Private Schools.
Contemporary
Islamic education in Thailand is cultivated through both the pondok,
which offers solely religious education, and the combined educational
programmes, disseminated by the Islamic Private Schools. These latter
are under the supervision of the Ministry of Education. Both types
of institutions are manned by graduates of religious seminaries and
universities from Malay-Indonesian Archipelago, al-Azhar in Egypt,
Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, India, Pakistan and Turkey.
Thai
Muslims on the political stage
The Thai Muslim minority participated in the national political process
during both its democratic and non-democratic eras. This engagement
has earned Thai Muslims recognition within the political system. Thai
Muslim politicians have represented different political parties in
the various parliamentary elections that have taken place in the country
since its emergence as a constitutional monarchy in 1932. This era
also witnessed the southern Muslim struggle against the policy of
Thai-ization.
Thai
Muslim politicians representing Muslim majority constituencies have
long been concerned about developmental problems facing Muslims such
as: educational amelioration, economic progress, cultural-religious
freedom, and political recognition.
The
political engagement of Thai Muslims has also undergone transformation
since the recent rekindling of the democratic process. Until 1988,
Thai Muslim politicians represented various constituencies on a personal
basis. But this is now changing. the Democrat Party of Thailand, representing
the middle class, has been the most popular political party in southern
Thailand and has long been the main political voice of Thai Muslims.
However, several long-time Thai Muslim politicians aligned with the
Democrat party have withdrawn, complaining of the inadequate attention
given by the party to specific Muslim matters and of the breaking
of electoral promises. These disappointments caused them to form in
1988 a Thai Muslim political faction called the Wahdah (Unity), whose
priority is to address developmental problems facing the Thai Muslim
community. It has been described as an ethnic movement seeking to
achieve the interests of the Thai Muslims from within the political
system.
The
Wahdah sees itself as an independent political group ready to support
any political party that promises to pay special attention to developmental
issues and problems facing Thai Muslims. Since its inception, it has
aligned itself with the New Aspiration Party (NAP) or Kuam Wang Mai
(Thai) also known as Harappan Baru (Malay) established in 1990. The
Muslim members of the parliament from the Wahdah have obtained cabinet
posts for the first time in the three recently democratically elected
coalition governments since 1992. However, the political alignment
of the Wahdah could change in view of the implications that the current
economic crisis may have for the next parliamentary election.
Despite
differing approaches according to political party, the Thai Muslim
members of the Parliament and the Senate agree upon the urgent need
to address specific developmental matters such as the improvement
of the infra-structure and economic development of the Muslim majority
provinces within the IMT-GT (Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand-Growth
Triangle) programme. Other important matters include facilitating
travel arrangements for Thai pilgrims to the Hajj, obtaining legal
permission for Thai Muslim females to wear the hijab in public places
(which has been granted) and the establishment of an Islamic bank
as an alternative financial institution.
In
the current Thai government led by the Democrats, the Foreign Minister
in Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, a prominent Thai Muslim member of the Democrat
Party. Mr. WanMuhammad Nor Matta, member of the Wahdah and deputy
leader of the NAP currently in opposition, is serving as elected speaker
of the Thai parliament and is president of the National Assembly.
Muslim support for the Wahdah faction is increasing in the south and
is gaining popularity among Thai Muslims residing in other parts of
the country. The next elections will be a test of the political popularity
of the Democrat Party, the NAP and other parties among the Thai Muslims.
Over
the decades, the Thai Muslims and Buddhists have come to understand
and recognize their ethnic and religio-cultural identities. The enlightened
of both communities have realized the need to move away from rigidity
and exclusivity. Yet there remain several development issues, in the
areas of education and economy of the Muslim sector, to be addressed
- both publicly and privately.
The
inter-religious dynamic in Thailand reflects the need for dialogue
and negotiation. But most importantly, it reflects the ability on
the part of the political authorities to recognize the ethno-religious
variety.